Author: Richard Leimbach

  • An Excerpt from “The Influence, Direct and Indirect, of the Writings of Erskine of Linlathen on Religious Thought in Scotland”

    From the doctoral thesis of Robert A. Reid, University of Edinburgh, 1930: An Appreciation of the Spiritual Order and Other Papers by Thomas Erskine, Edinburgh: Edmonston & Douglas, 1871.

    Erskine’s Spiritual Order puts into definite terms a subject which had occupied his mind from the earliest days of his religious studies. That subject was the universal restoration of men. In his various books and letters reference is made to this theme, but Erskine, in the Spiritual Order, makes it no longer tentative but plain and, perhaps, this stand for Universalism is his supreme contribution with which his name in this country will be associated.

    The Life of Jesus by M. Renan greatly interested Erskine. In the opening chapter of The Spiritual Order, he points out that Renan’s criticism of the Life of Jesus by Strauss, which errs in being too theological and not sufficiently historical, emphasises the weakness of Renan’s work, which, on the other hand, practically ignores the theological aspect of the work of Jesus. Erskine had no sympathy with preaching neglectful of theology and less with critics who wrote as if theology was an effete system. The central element in the work of the historic Christ was to reveal the Kingdom of God and proclaim the call of God the Father to all men that a refuge from the evil in the world and in the heart was to be found within the Kingdom. Jesus revealed God as Father, as loving and righteous, and to get to the inwardness of that message, the teaching of Jesus must not and can never be, separated from His life. And from the teaching and life of Christ there comes a power, which, given a chance, transforms character and will yet regenerate the world. When Jesus began to teach, those who afterwards became his bitterest enemies found in his message moral and spiritual truth with which they, through tradition and teaching, were familiar. What staggered them was just what Renan ignores, viz. his unique claim to be The Son of God, “who never sought nor found for Himself a place among the sons of men.” To this, the answer of Renan is this was only self-preaching on the part of Jesus, but, as Erskine shows, self-preaching cannot tally with the claim, “I am the Vine, The Bread, The Door, I am the Shepherd.” In all these claims Jesus is not emphasising his claims, but those of The Father who, though He has committed all judgment to the Son, has sent the Son, to whom no one can come unless the Father draw him, and, on the Father, the Son is ever dependent. Erskine shows Renan avoiding the issue, either Christ was an imposter, or what He claimed to be betrays the consciousness that there was a something in Christ which had eluded Him, even although he says Jesus was “the best and wisest and greatest man that ever lived..”

    Very subtly Erskine shows that we can learn a lesson from the mistakes of the great, but, though Renan claims his Life of Jesus as “Historic,” he, at the same time, ignores the historic facts behind the great claims of Christ. These surely call for a deeper answer than pretensions or self-preaching. To Renan that inquiry is fruitless, because it is theological. Renan saw the moral beauties of the teaching of Jesus, but he also failed to see that these beauties cannot of themselves grow in human hearts, and therefore it is the duty of the wise historian to examine, whether in the revelation of the character of God and His relations to man, revealed by Christ, there were not the reasons for the transformed lives achieved by the Gospel. Erskine affirms, if this had been done by Renan, the Spiritual Order affirmed by Christianity would have become apparent. Only the self-sacrificing love of God is sufficient to explain Christian character and the supernatural claims of Jesus by which that self-sacrificing love of God is made known. Erskine, like the scientist, appeals to facts. And in Christian experience, he finds facts. Thus he says, if Renan had only considered that man might find in sorrow and suffering something in Christianity which proved suffering and sorrow to be in the nature of duty, and that these experiences were in the loving purpose of a divine Father to a son, and, if with this light or leading, Renan had examined other human experiences he might have concluded that just as a good citizen cannot be such apart from a knowledge of his country’s traditions and his personal relations to these, and just as a member of a family must observe the same rule, so no one can be a member of the Spiritual Order till he knows its history and his relations thereto.

    Is there, asks Erskine, a Spiritual Order?

    And once more he appeals in his own inimitable way to psychology or the content of consciousness. What is this call in the heart of goodness? Why is man impelled by right feelings? What is the origin of right intentions and actions? Do these facts not imply a Spiritual Order, or Cosmos? A social order does not make such demands as this Spiritual Order, for outwardly we may conform to be at least passable citizens of a social order, but in the Spiritual Order things are more searching, since it is not only outward but also inner conformity of the secret heart that is called for. Christianity, according to Erskine, assumes this Order exists and all men by nature belong to it, and in its precepts and examples of practice it reveals a power capable of transforming all hearts.

    Erskine’s conception of the Spiritual Order as it is developed in the first chapter implies, first, An Eternal God, who is a righteous Father; secondly, a Cosmos ruled by this Eternal One: thirdly, at the apex of this creation is man—Ephesians 2:10—the divine masterpiece, yet, not perfect, but standing in need of discipline and education, mentally and morally. From that Erskine passes to the declaration that from the very nature of these facts, the supreme purpose of God in creation from one point of view is the education of man. And only One like God, whom man can know and to whom man can be drawn and attracted through sympathy and love, is able to accomplish this work of education.

    Now, if this be true, then in man there must be a consciousness that these Divine operations in his heart are distinct from the faculties by which these divine elements are known. If not, then there is the fear that philosophy will take the place of religion, which will be a self-raised business. Pride will be begotten in place of reverence. Abstractions will take the place of personal relation with God. Abstractions become dogmas of the schools, whereas what is required is a religion for the race.

    There may be objections to such a religion, not only because it is supernatural, but contrary to religion.

    There is a physical order in the world as known to us. The world of matter is obedient to law, but that obedience is altogether different in the moral and spiritual order. Man, when crushed by nature, knows it, but nature understands not. It is for this that the physical order is not superior to the moral and spiritual, whilst at the same time, both form a part in the mighty scheme of things.

    Christianity, whose centre is the Word made flesh, has its counterpart in man’s spiritual intelligence, for the heart is not completely dependent on outside authority or teaching. To Christianity there cannot be attributed this likeness in man to the facts revealed. Christianity calls attention to this likeness, which is the very substance of man’s spirit though the knowledge and power of this created gift may be a knowledge unused by man. The facts of Christianity fit into the folds of our moral and spiritual nature. The bird for the air, and the fish for the sea, and man for fellowship with God.

    Now all this may be accepted as true of God, but not of Christ. Can these relationships between God and man be identified with Christ as Christianity claims? Erskine answers this question, and in doing so displays his wonderful command of dealing with moral and spiritual phenomena. The central fact of Christianity is the revelation by Jesus of the Fatherhood of God.

    And no religion is of any importance or theory of religion that leaves out that truth. It is the light which guides Erskine through ignorance and darkness to certainty and hope. The doctrine of the Divine Fatherhood is a fact which harmonises with the divine nature and character as conceived in the mind of man. The revelation of Jesus Christ meets man’s reason. Is there reasonableness in the divinity of Christ? Erskine answers, yes, since he is sure there must be in the nature of the Godhead a fact analogous to the reality of Father and Son without deciding whether Christ be that Son or not.

    We say Christ is the Eternal Son of The Father in answer to the question, “What think ye of Christ?” In the days of His flesh the people did not realise the importance of the question, but it is an inquiry that has come as a challenge to every age since the time it was first uttered. The Gospels reveal that Christ preached Himself more than moral duties because He is the power through which all moral and spiritual duties are fulfilled. Now, in self-preaching, as Renan puts it, Jesus made known to men revelations and thoughts in regard to God both profound and original. God was the Fountain of all goodness. None is good save God. Goodness—but what is goodness? It is found in trust and trustworthiness. There is goodness in giving and receiving. Can these facts be postulated of God? Or does the Unity and Sovereignty of God preclude us from saying these are in God? If we so assert, then there is a form of goodness which is not in God. All goodness, according to Erskine, originates and is in God. Every form of goodness then must have a corresponding recipient form. And so, in the divine nature, there must be two personalities representing Giver and Receiver, otherwise for the display of goodness, therefore, there could be no possibility apart from the creature. God could not have sympathy with Himself. God is love, and love seeks sympathy. And, if the divine Unity interposed, then there is no sympathy within the nature of God, and therefore there would be compulsion to create. Relief for all this is found in the Eternal Sonship. Here, again, there may be the criticism that such a God is only human after all. In a striking sentence Erskine answers this. He points out there are two hemispheres in God—Giver and Receiver, Father and Son. Unity is not singleness but completeness, and the reality of Father and Son finds completion in a Common Spirit. Spiritual creation stands also in the Son, which implies it also is included in the fellowship of Love. “I and my Father are one,” said Jesus, and added, “My Father is greater than I,” which means, as God, he was equal with the Father, but, as man, inferior. The uniqueness of the revelation of Jesus is manifestation of God as a Giver and Receiver. God is love, according to John, and, out of the fulness of that love, pours into the Son’s all-embracing capacity love and wisdom, not for himself alone, but, as the Head and First begotten of the whole creation. The Fatherhood of God in the Old Testament is one of creation and sovereignty only, though there are adumbrations of greater things to come. It is in Christ we see the fulness of the divine Fatherhood. This love has come to man through the eternal Sonship in Jesus Christ. And the message of the Son is that the Almighty Father created only for good, and since man has been so created, then man is meant to share and participate in the divine fulness. Now, this participation depends on the indwelling of the Son in the human heart to which the Son communicates the very nature of his own goodness.

    Hence it is that Christian morality finds its roots in Christian theology. Do we receive this doctrine on authority only? Erskine confesses he is amazed at the general belief in such a doctrine, and, whilst not basing the doctrine on authority, affirms there is in humanity a craving for such a Daysman as Jesus claims to be. Further, it is his belief that those who have held the doctrine have seen in it some light, which, though they could not describe or explain, yet the light has brought them into hallowed relations with the divine Father.

    Men are not disorganised units. And just as a living mind for its thoughts demands a nexus, so there is in the heart of humanity a craving for unity and order, which Erskine’s mind sees in the Fatherhood of God communicating of his fulness to the Son, the Head of the race, which, in turn, receives from the Son of the fulness of God.

    It was easier for the Gentile world to receive the notion implied in the term of God than even the Israelite. But it was fitting the truth should be manifested first in Israel.

    Erskine has been criticised for his neglect of the historic Christ just as Paul was accused, but, like the apostle to the Gentiles, Erskine excels when he gives in his own words his synthesis of the historic Christ. In the last paragraph on page 45 there is a description of Jesus of Nazareth which compares with the words of Paul in Philippians Chapter 2, verse 7.

    Erskine believed he had more of the presence of God when he wrote The Brazen Serpent, than he had in his other compositions, but to this statement there can be added the experience of most of his readers—wonder at Erskine’s power in a word, a phrase, or a sentence, to bring light to a truth, and set in motion a train of thought.

    The Purpose of God.

    Behind the Spiritual Order, as conceived by Erskine, there was the working mind and heart of the divine Father. What was the purpose of the Eternal in regard to Man? Erskine sets himself to examine this question in his own characteristic way. And in doing so he makes very definite what hitherto had been coming up in his mind as set forth in letters and conversations with friends. Again, in his arguments, he reveals the mysticism of his mind and also his great genius in dealing with the contents of the human mind and heart. What is a true religion? And where shall an answer be found? He turns to conscience and his own life; and a religion, in which he would have confidence, must explain both conscience and life. It is through conscience or the spiritual sense that we know of the higher world, and it is on the battleground of the heart that man wages the fight either for goodness or evil. Conscience reveals in the heart a purpose not self-originated, for we fight against it, yet this purpose dominates man and makes itself felt. It is at the very root of being. This purpose is not of education, which can draw out, but is not able to implant. What is this that is urged on man in conscience? It is God’s purpose with us. And what is that? It is to make man a good man, says Erskine. This is religious footing for the next advance, that a purpose must have a Purposer. That purposer is the Creator, and his purpose indicates what he himself is. “There is no one good but God,” said Christ, and He is this God who calls man to goodness in life and character.

    And just because God is good, man can trust himself, indeed, everything, into his hands. This, Erskine affirms, is his first true conception of God. Natural Religion reveals the infinite power of God, but does not draw man near to God, for it gives only one aspect of the divine nature. It is different when the soul apprehends the fact that God is insisting on us the need to be like Himself. In that message and in man’s endeavour to fulfill it the individuality or personality of the man is discovered. Man is distinct from the other works of God. No other creature can fill, in the same way, the place of another. God understands man. He is ever sustaining man. When this is understood and accepted, then God is “My Father” as well as “Our Father.” The purpose of God is to train men in His own righteousness. The purpose of God then is to educate. Our moral and mental qualities seem to suggest this. When men are judged from this standard of judgment, there seems little to show for this education. Can it be possible that the divine hand is at work? What of the slums? These are the products of minds crushed by want and urged by sensual gratification. Yet even in the hearts of such there is the call of God and a knowledge of that call. Erskine then turns the arguments thus, think of man’s potentialities and capacities, for from these we may infer that we are, and the world is, under a discipline and educative purpose. The process seems long drawn out and the results poor, but will God be less patient with man than he is with the red sandstone fossil? God is calling men to righteousness, or, as Erskine puts it, into sympathy with Himself—the Eternal One. And the reason for the call is God is love. It is to know the love as an experience, and to return it is to show righteousness. We may thwart this love, but God never ceases urging it on us for our good. He marks and condemns error. That the divine heart never ceases to love is man’s hope. Then Erskine definitely gives to the world his thought in regard to the final restoration of all. God will persevere until this is accomplished.

    Erskine is not so much interested in race development as in the education of the individual. Each individual is immortal and apart from that there can be no religion for man. Erskine will not have it said that balancing the good and evil the former has predomination or, at least, is on the balance side and, therefore, though man’s life really ends at death, he has nothing of which he may complain. That we can discern the excellency of goodness is a promise, on God’s part, that under His guidance, we shall be fitted to fill the place which God has provided for each individual in His Spiritual Order. Life then is not probation, but education, for God is not a Judge, but a divine Father. We are indeed tested and tried, for, according to Erskine, “no education can go on without trial; but we are tried that we may be educated, not educated that we may be tried.”

    The two ideas of God as Judge and Father lead to different results. A judge acts according to laws; the love of a father is inextinguishable. But is there no law in the Gospel? Why did Jesus suffer outside the camp? Why is it said, “He bore the sins of many?” To these questions Erskine gives the reply that probation is not of the spirit of the Gospel. What about believing? Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ and thou shalt be saved. The answer is the love of God is free, and death, as a propitiation to justice, instead of resting on the fact that these are a manifestation of the righteousness of God, the outcome of love, which, whilst never ceasing to condemn our errors, yet at the same time can never cease to seek the deliverance of the soul from evil. All our thoughts of God and our relations to Him must take their colour from this divine purpose of educating man into His own likeness. At the same time the man who regards God simply as one whose righteousness we can understand and approve, but not one who loves, and one whom we can love, since love is the only completeness, only called forth by one to whom we can approach and know and love, has no assured hope. Love cannot fasten on an abstraction. Neither can we love a being, whom we cannot apprehend and trust. Pantheism had no place in the faith of Erskine; “I am persuaded,” he says, (page 24), “that the whole spirit and power of Christianity are contained in the thing, which is meant by the word.”

    Knowability and accessibility lead us to love God. Then, because of this love, duty becomes not simply the desire to be right, but a joy; and it is through the abiding joy we have in God, whose nature is both knowable and accessible, that we are able to resist the seductions of life and feel ourselves safe against them. Out of the divine love there must come power to us, enabling us to love the unlovable, and to ever turn to the divine love as to a living fountain. How is this brought about? We are not worthy, yet the love of God is our portion for He loves us. He is not driven away by unloveliness, either in us or in our brother. The desire of God is to make all men worthy; it is the nature of righteous love to communicate itself. We are to co-operate with the love of God.

    But the power is from God to me in order that I may experience the love of God. And through that same power I love my brother. The Greek spoke of righteousness, but the Hebrew of the righteous One, and that to Erskine is the truest philosophy as well as the only religion.

    In a social order, as we have seen, it is possible to be a recluse. Not so in family life, for here relationships are most intimate and close; but this is more so in the Spiritual Order, for here we are entirely dependent on God the Father, who sustains us, without whom we could not think or act. —How do we know this? Our conscious moral nature is furnishing that testimony, says Erskine. We can be in several orders, indeed, so much taken up with the social order that we put out of our mind the spiritual, but the Spiritual Order exists and our happiness or ill is bound up with it.

    Our reason, affirms Erskine, is only satisfied with theological assertions when these manifest themselves in practice. Now, if we see verification of the words, “Ye are the salt of the earth,” and “Ye are the light of the world,” then in the theology of these facts there must be a power behind them calling forth the practice. Coherence of practice and theory, and the dynamic of practice in obedience and faithfulness, love and grace form the greatest proof for Christianity. There is manifested in this Spiritual Order the counterpart of what we see in the law of gravitation by which order is maintained in the world of nature.

    Erskine here interposes a note of warning. Christianity, he says, imposes no beliefs on us, just that for believing’s sake we may get good, without any reference to the character of God and moral relations to Him.

    Creeds, set down without a nexus or explanation, do not help but hinder the acceptance of truth and may even propagate error, as in the Athanasian Creed, where merit is given in exchange for belief.

    We may, says Erskine, translate into acts some of the precepts of the Sermon on the Mount, but a little experience will manifest the inability of the unassisted heart to fulfill the supreme demands of these New Testament laws and principles. It is outwith our power to make midnight to become midday, so it is not in human ability to achieve the precepts of Jesus in practice. Only the power of love can accomplish such a task, but human love is not sufficient. Where is the power to be obtained? It is in God through His righteous love abiding and energising in us.

    Our hearts condemn us, says Erskine, when we commit faults and display defects as natural to us as the colour of our hair. Is there justice in such natural phenomena? Yes, if these are meant to teach us that we are, and ever must be, dependent of God, not in an arbitrary sense, or that we may render to Him homage; no, but only because this dependence on God is a great reality, proving the Divine love on which the heart must live and thrive. Now this dependence is no defect. In a note, Erskine points out that in one of the prayers of the Genevese Liturgy, there is an expression which seems to indicate that men would have thought themselves in a better condition, if they had been capable of themselves to do at least some worthy, good thing. As we breathe by the will of God, so the life of the soul depends on our perpetual acceptance of the influence of spiritual gravitation. The planets, if for the moment we think of them with the power of choice, cannot emancipate themselves from the law of gravitation, and yet maintain “sweet order,” no more can man, who has the power of choice, expect peace and order in his life, if conscience ignores the guiding Light of God and expects to find his true guidance in self-will. The planet must have a centre of gravity and gravitation to keep its proper course, so man has a centre, which, unlike the planet, he is free to choose or reject, and the centre for man is the will of God. If the planet does not require a chart, man does, in order to know whether self or God is guiding, and also to know if he had chosen the true centre and is in truth following the law of God. It is not by effort of the will, led by self, that we reach the purpose of life, but as we make our will, which is indeed ours, the divine will. That is in Erskine’s opinion the purpose of Christianity. In a lecture on Progress in Philosophy by the late Viscount Haldane (Birkbeck College Centenary Lectures, 1825-1925, University of London Press, 1924) we have these words, “There is truth in that view, in the outlook of those who say, ‘Never mind the supposed necessity of discovering some particular system which is to represent the truth.’ There is no such system. It is the study of the whole. It is the striving after truth that is the reality, and that truth is something fixed and final, and beyond it is a delusion. All our systems, and our mode of viewing things are, after all, partial, and there was much in what Tennyson said, though he ended up with a metaphor which looks more theological than I should like to commit myself to:

    “Our little systems have their day;

    They have their day and cease to be:

    They are but broken lights of Thee,

    And Thou, O Lord, are more than they.”

    To Erskine, on the other hand,

    “Our wills are ours to make them Thine.”

    Another thinker, R.H. Button, in his study of George Eliot as an author writes, “George Eliot, with a faith like that of her own Dinah, would to my mind have had one of the most effective intellects the world had ever seen. Her imagination would have gained that vivacity and spring, the absence of which is its only artistic defect; her noble ethical conceptions would have gained certainty and grandeur; her singularly just and impartial judgment would have lost the tinge of gloom, which seems always to pervade it; and her poetic feelings would have been no longer weighed down by the super-incumbent mass of a body of skeptical thought with which they struggled for the mastery in vain. Few minds, at once so speculative and so creative, have ever put their mark on literature. With a quicker pulse of life, with a richer, happier faith, I could hardly conceive the limit to her power.”

    How are we to learn to make a right choice? We must learn to know God that we may fully trust Him and love Him, not as the righteous Judge; but he who strives continually after righteousness is on a higher plane morally than the man with the educative idea as the basis of his faith, who yet allows God’s fatherly love to lower the holiness of God, and the divine abhorrence of evil. On the other hand, the futility of effort may open a door to the free love of God as Father.

    The evil in the world, and in the heart of the individual may appall us, but God condemns this evil and calls on men to work for righteousness and will never cease so doing till all are fellow workers with Him. Atheism denies this which is the basis of theism. Obliteration of the sinner is not victory, but defeat for God. It is in correction and education that the victorious will of God is displayed. In God, mercy and justice, asserts Erskine, are the same thing. All these points are advocated with a zeal and enthusiasm only possible in one, who himself was pure in heart, and therefore saw more clearly the tenderness in the heart of the Eternal Father.

    The Bible in Relation to Faith.

    Erskine was not greatly interested in Biblical criticism as a necessary corollary of the scientific spirit of the 19th. century. His age and lack of equipment were hindrances, but if, from that point of view, he was not interested, he was very doubtful of the influence which this new spirit of inquiry would have on uneducated minds. And so we find Erskine is timorous in face of the new forces. He did not think the ordinary mind was ready for such conclusions as Colenso had reached, and so we find Erskine expostulating with the Bishop and asking if it was wise to disturb the feelings and minds of good and earnest people. This tenderness for the prejudices and ignorance of the faithful was very characteristic of Erskine.

    What is Erskine’s attitude towards the Bible? In some respects, it was as revolutionary as the view of Colenso. It must be borne in mind that to most people in the Scottish Church verbal inspiration was an established fact. To think otherwise was not far short of blasphemy. Now, Erskine, even as Colenso from another point of view, takes for granted many commonsense views of the Bible, which were assuredly not part of the common stock of beliefs. The doctrine of the Bible according to Erskine must satisfy reason and judgment as this is directed by conscience. And yet reason is suspect, inasmuch as it savors of presumption, and is contrary also to faith, which some think is opposed to knowledge. To Erskine the Bible was necessary as an outward communication apart from which man could not have been able to arrive at the truths communicated. Yet he also sees this truth must satisfy the mind, which calls for coherency and reasonableness. These he finds in the Bible. The theories, or guesses, concerning the natural world are supported by the deductions of the science of mathematics, so the Bible fits in to all those facts which tally with the ideas of a Spiritual Order. We are not to believe because the church affirms this is the faith once delivered to the saints or because certain writers two thousand years ago wrote a life of Jesus of Nazareth. Each man must find in the facts a light, or moral power, which satisfies reason and conscience. This, Erskine experienced in his spiritual life. And why should it not be so? —for Erskine is very explicit in affirming the Bible assumes this must be the natural attitude in which man should read the word. The authority of the Bible furnishes facts to which the Christian consciousness assents. If our faith only rests on authority apart from a knowledge of God revealed in Christ and our personal relations to God in Christ, then we are in a hopeless position in face of criticism. To insist on rightness and reasonableness in revelation does not detract from the Honour of God. On the contrary it is giving God the glory out of hearts created by Him to allow not only authority, but also judgment, reasonableness and conscience to have their proper place. A faith apart from such a spirit is no faith at all. It may, however, be asked, do circumstances not modify the value of conscience? Is it an infallible guide? But how apart from conscience can we know the infallibility of any guidance? We are responsible. Any guidance which fails to bring the heart nearer God is false. A guide who does not help me in this is failing in duty. Authority and spiritual experience must go together. Christianity is a revelation of moral and spiritual facts as real as physical facts and this reality we can perceive and experience. The Bible is not given to man to believe apart from the testimony of his inner conscience and common sense. To what Erskine has said he finds also reason for the claims of the Bible as the Word of God in the genius of the Jewish race for righteousness, as the Greeks had the genius of Art. There are gleams of light in the writings of individuals such as Socrates, but the light of the Bible is that which comes from a people to whom the greatest thing in the world was righteousness. This, says Erskine, was the direct choice of God, that in Israel all mankind should be blessed. The uniqueness of the fact is a proof of divine interposition. The Gentile always applied to God, or the gods, power, whereas Israel emphasises righteousness which, according to Erskine, is certainly moulding the whole life of society.

    These positions held by Erskine are similar to the thoughts of Coleridge on the same theme. Naturally we ask what influence Coleridge had on the formation of Erskine’s opinions. We have asserted already that nearly all the positions taken up by Erskine in his first book form the groundwork for what he afterwards develops. There can be no doubt in the mind of anyone who compares the Aids to Reflection by Coleridge with what is found in the writings of Erskine that there is a striking similarity in the sententious style of the one author with the other. In the part of the Aids, “Aphorisms on Spiritual Religion,” we must be struck with a certain likeness of expression. The reader of Erskine is familiar with the idea—Christianity is not a theory, or a speculation, but a life. Not a philosophy of life, but life and a living process. A moral evil is an evil that has its origin in the will. An evil common to all must have a ground common to all. Now this evil ground cannot originate in the Divine Will; it must, therefore, be referred to the will of man. “Evidence of Christianity” I am weary of the word. Make a man feel the want of it; rouse him, if you can, to the self-knowledge of his need of it; and you may safely trust it to his own evidence—remembering only the express declaration of Christ himself, “No man cometh to Me, unless the Father leadeth him.” “I deem it impious and absurd to hold that the Creator would have given us the faculty of reason or that the Redeemer would, in so many varied forms of argument and persuasion, have appealed to it, if it had been useless or impotent.” Erskine was evidently a reader of Coleridge as he was of Foster and Law, but if it is true that Erskine’s thoughts in his later books were in embryo in his first, then all we can say is Coleridge influences the style of Erskine but did not give him the thought. Both writers are difficult to read. What reason have we for this conclusion. The evidence is this. The Internal Evidence and Essay on Faith were published respectively in 1820, 1822, and the Aids to Reflection in 1825.

    The closing chapter in The Spiritual Order is devoted to the Epistle to the Romans, which formed so large a part in the Doctrine of Election. The one new element, though indeed not new but emphasised, is the declaration on the part of Erskine that his mature belief, founded on Paul’s words in regard to Final Restoration, is that all shall be saved. There shall not be one lost good.

  • Thomas Erskine in Retrospect

    “[Thomas] Erskine presents a fascinating theological figure, and one whose stature and influence within the stream of British theology in the nineteenth century is too rarely appreciated. . . . [He was] above all a ‘biblical’ theologian, one whose reflection is shaped by close engagement with the stories and theologies of the Old and New Testaments. By all contemporary accounts, he was, throughout his life, also a man of such a sort who might convince a person of the reality of the gospel which he proclaimed by the sheer aura of its reality which surrounded him, and by the conformity of his own personality to its essential shape.”1Trevor A. Hart

    “I regard [Thomas Erskine’s and his close friend, John McLeod Campbell’s] ideas as the best contribution to dogmatics which British theology has produced in the present century.”2Otto Pfleiderer, nineteenth century German church historian.

    “Quick as was the pace of thought in England between the years 1820 and 1830, it was hardly less so in Scotland. Thomas Erskine began his career as a religious writer in 1820; and the more his writings are studied the more remarkable will be found to have been their influence.”3John Tullock

    “Erskine in his rediscovering of The Divine Fatherhood brought to the solution of religious questions a new spirit of inquiry. Mists surrounding the Divine Being were dispersed, and, by the implications of Fatherhood, there arose a reason for a review of the contents and meaning of The Trinity; further it became necessary to face the problem of Election, the nature of the Atonement, the meaning of Total Depravity, Imputation and Substitution. On all these topics Erskine casts new light. Further, Erskine, consciously or unconsciously, anticipated the age of scientific inquiry and criticism with their application also to religious thought, and furnished scientific and popular thought with a line of defense for ‘the faith once delivered to the saints.’”4Robert A. Reid

    “Scotland, like England, was the scene of a theological awakening between 1820 and 1830, and in this movement the foremost figure is Thomas Erskine of Linlathen (1788–1870).”5V. F. Storr

    “The most significant figure in Scottish theological thought in the quarter of a century preceding the Disruption6—and perhaps in the nineteenth century—was a layman, Thomas Erskine of Linlathen . . . Scotland has never given Erskine the attention he deserves, and his books, especially The Brazen Serpent, are almost unobtainable.”7A. L. Drummond, James Bulloch

    “Erskine was one of the first of his generation in Scotland to articulate effectively genuine popular spiritual unrest, and voice alternatives to orthodox interpretations of soteriology, by engaging creatively with contemporary theological issues, and by questioning and clarifying what he felt had been obscured by accepted Calvinist orthodoxy—notably the nature and character of God, the atonement, biblicism, conditional salvation, and determinism.”8Don Horrocks


    1. Hart, Trevor A. “Erskine, Thomas (1788–1870).” In The Dictionary of Historical Theology, 192. ↩︎
    2. Pfleiderer, Otto. The Development of Theology in Germany Since Kant and its Progress in Great Britain Since 1825, 382. ↩︎
    3. Tulloch, John. Movements of Religious Thought in Britain During the Nineteenth Century, 126–7. ↩︎
    4. Reid, Robert A. “The Influence, Direct and Indirect, of the Writings of Erskine of Linlathen on Religious Thought in Scotland.” PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 1–2. ↩︎
    5. Storr, V. F. The Development of English Theology in the Nineteenth Century, 353. ↩︎
    6. The Great Disruption of 1843 was a significant event in the history of the Church of Scotland. In that year, 450 evangelical ministers broke away from the Church of Scotland to form the Free Church of Scotland following a ten year long conflict over the right of patronage—the question of whether the patron of a parish had the right to install a minister of his choice even against the wishes of the parishioners. Those who left believed that this right granted by the British Parliament infringed on the spiritual independence of the church.   ↩︎
    7. Drummond, A. L. and Bulloch, J. The Scottish Church 1688-1843, 194, 199. ↩︎
    8. Horrocks, Don. Laws of the Spiritual Order: Innovation and Reconstruction in the Soteriology of Thomas Erskine of Linlathen, 9. ↩︎
  • Thomas Erskine’s Story

    “Introduction to Thomas Erskine (1788-1870)” can also be read by clicking the “Read Sample” button for The Unconditional Freeness of the Gospel: In Three Essays. Annotated Edition on Amazon’s website.

    Thomas Erskine of Linlathen has been described as “possibly the most theologically astute layperson to write theology in the 19th century.”1 Although largely forgotten today, historians have deemed him to have been the central figure in the Scottish theological awakening that occurred between 1820 and 1830,2 and along with Englishman Samuel Taylor Coleridge to have been one of the two most “instrumental in the regeneration of British theology in the nineteenth century.”3

    His first biographer, Henry Henderson, said that as a thinker as well as a personal force, he was an “extraordinary phenomenon” especially coming as he did from “the stiff Calvinistic soil of Scotland.”4 In Henderson’s view (and in the view of successive biographers), Erskine’s influence as a teacher of spiritual Christianity, meaning a Christianity that is lived, has been “great, greater than he has ever received credit for.”5

    To Henderson’s mind, if anyone were to judge Erskine’s influence by the extent to which his thoughts had entered the mind of the age and had become enlisted among the ruling ideas of the world, Erskine’s influence would be unmistakable. He said,

    If we single out any one of his favorite topics in the department of Ethics or Theology, the peculiar treatment of which appeared so revolutionary at the period of its first publication, it may be confidently asserted that there are few teachers of the present day exercising religious influence over their fellowmen who are not indebted to him. His influence has been great and helpful even on those matters on which, in the opinion of many, the conclusions which Erskine reached were rash and unwarranted.6

    Henderson did not explain what those conclusions were that so many considered “rash and unwarranted.” We, on the other hand, will take a moment to investigate because they will serve to introduce Erskine’s story and at the same time elicit comments on one of Erskine’s key themes. Afterwards, we will return to those ideas that had, as Henderson put it, entered “the mind of the age.”

    When Thomas Erskine wrote The Unconditional Freeness of the Gospel, he was already a well-known and celebrated author. His first book, Remarks on the Internal Evidence for the Truth of Revealed Religion, written in 1820, had been well received in his Scottish homeland as an exceptionally fine work of Christian apologetics.7 In the language of our day, it was a runaway best seller. Sales of the book were unprecedented. In the first ten years, it went through nine editions and was eagerly read in both England and America as well as on the European continent when it was later published in French (1822) and German (1825).8

    His second book, An Essay on Faith (1822), was also well received and only served to further enhance Erskine’s reputation as an innovative thinker and theologian. While it never reached quite as wide a circulation as his first, it too went through multiple editions and was translated into French.9

    But when Unconditional Freeness was published in 1828, there was a marked change in the public’s reception of Erskine’s books. Some like Thomas Chalmers,10 a leader of the Church of Scotland and a friend of Erskine’s, found it to be a “most delightful book,”11 but others like Andrew Thomson,12 founder and editor of the influential Edinburgh Christian Instructor, panned it.

    While Thomson did appreciate Erskine’s “deep piety and devoted attention to the cause of pure and undefiled Christianity,” he objected to the way that Erskine gave new meanings to old terms, important and elementary terms, such as salvation, justification, heaven and hell, and eternal life. These new meanings were in his opinion “fanciful, unwarrantable, and dangerous innovations.”13 What Thomson considered dangerous innovations, however, would be seen by others as helpful and welcomed attempts to pioneer new ways forward in a system of theology that had become stale, stagnate, and largely irrelevant to the personal lives of many everyday people.

    Erskine did not discount the theological work of those who had gone before, but he contended that that work was not finished with the Westminster Confession.14 In a letter to Thomas Chalmers, Erskine wrote, “Surely the Westminster divines did not exhaust the Bible; and if they had the Spirit, surely the divines of our day are not excluded from the Spirit, and if so, they ought to thank God for what light was seen before and press on the further light in the strength of the Spirit.”15 One of those “dangerous innovations” was Erskine’s thoughts on the meaning of salvation. Erskine argued that if we believe our Savior’s mission to earth was to save men from their sins, then we must also believe that salvation means not salvation from punishment but from sin itself.16 Salvation is what takes place as we grow in sympathy with God and begin to love righteousness and hate evil as He does. It is what happens when we die to self and live to God. It is the truth of God abiding richly and effectively in the soul. And above all, salvation means a growing personal acquaintance with God in the here and now as attested by Jesus when he prayed shortly before his crucifixion, “[T]his is eternal life, that they may know thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent” (John 17:3).17

    All of this was quite different and more than a bit troubling for those used to viewing salvation from the other end of the telescope. For most, salvation was not about the present or about sanctification. It was about the future. Salvation was the reward that the faithful would receive after they died and “went to heaven.” The faithful were, as understood in Calvinistic Scotland, an exclusive group. They were the elect—those of mankind chosen by God from before the foundation of the world and predestined to eternal life.18 Only the elect were the recipients of God’s saving grace.19 Everyone else was destined (or predestined) to damnation.

    From the mid-1600s on, the Westminster Shorter Catechism had been the staple of instruction for all Scottish children which meant its teachings were almost indelibly etched into the minds of anyone growing up in Scotland. To the question, “What does every sin deserve?”, it replied, “Every sin deserveth God’s wrath and curse, both in this life, and that which is to come.” Questions and Answers 19-21 outlined the idea that because of the Fall, every human being was destined for the eternal torments of hell, that is, unless they had a Redeemer, but Jesus Christ was not everyone’s Redeemer. He was only the Redeemer of the elect.

    All mankind by their fall lost communion with God, are under his wrath and curse, and so made liable to all miseries in this life, to death itself, and to the pains of hell for ever. God having, out of his mere good pleasure, from all eternity, elected some to everlasting life, did enter into a covenant of grace, to deliver them out of the estate of sin and misery, and to bring them into an estate of salvation by a Redeemer. The only Redeemer of God’s elect is the Lord Jesus Christ.

    The official teaching of the Church of Scotland was that Jesus was not the Savior of all people because not everyone had been called to salvation.20 From the pulpit and in writing, the ministers of the Church roundly denied that there was in God a love for all men.21 God loved some and withheld his love from others based not on anything they had done or ever would do but entirely on the good pleasure of His will, a will represented by the Confession of Faith as simply an arbitrary will.

    To Thomas Erskine, this was a very dark view of God’s character and of His disposition towards humanity, and it was not at all like the God Erskine found revealed in Jesus or in all the Bible for that matter. He wrote,

    Throughout even the Old Testament, God is more constantly presented to us as a Father than in any other character, and in the New, our Lord speaks of it as the chief purpose of His appearance in the world, to reveal His Father as the Father of the whole human race. In both, frequent appeals are made to our sense of the love and desires and obligations of an earthly parent towards his children in order to impress on us the nature of the relation in which God stands to each one of us, and very frequently, these appeals are accompanied with the assurance that the love of the human parent is but a faint reflection of the love of the Heavenly Father. What can be more touching than the appeal in the prophet Isaiah? “Can a woman forget her sucking child, that she should not have compassion on the son of her womb? yea, they may forget, yet will not I forget thee.”22 The parallel passage in the New Testament is this: “If ye then, being evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your Heavenly Father give!”23

    The question Erskine leaves hanging is this. If God is more loving than any earthly father, what grounds do we have to believe He would withhold any of His gifts (grace, mercy, peace, love, and forgiveness) from any of His children? The answer is none.

    In the Scriptures, God has declared his love for all people without exception. Erskine wrote in Unconditional Freeness, “God so loved the world, (the whole world—all the race of Adam,) as to give His only begotten Son for them.”24 That meant that the Father’s love was universal, and that God was not just a father to some but the Father of all.

    Throughout the 17th century and continuing into the 18th, the sovereignty of God dominated religious thought in Scotland. “The Lord reigneth” was the central idea that pervaded the whole of the Scottish theological system. God was the supreme King. He was our King and Lawgiver, and we are His subjects. Our relationship to God was understood as being primarily governmental, and as church historian R. H. Story speaking before the Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1903 put it, “The Fatherhood of God was ignored. The Fatherly love was never spoken of; it might not exist for all that was found in the theological system of the Confession of Faith”.25

    Erskine wrote, “Jesus came preaching peace by declaring his Father to be the common Father of men, prodigals and all.”26 “He came to seek and save the lost, by declaring to them the Father’s heart, and as soon as they know that heart, they are glad. They rejoice in salvation, but whilst they continue ignorant of God’s heart, they continue to be without eternal life in them. . .. God’s heart is a heart of forgiving love to us before we believe, but we cannot enjoy God, which is full salvation, without knowing or believing what His heart is to us.”27

    For Erskine, there was nothing that revealed the Father’s heart towards all humankind more than the fact that He gave His Son to be the “propitiation for our sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world.”28 Christ did not die so that God might be induced to love us. He died because God did love us. His sacrifice on the cross was the outcome, and not the cause of God’s love for humanity, and the very fact that Christ died for and on behalf of all sinners means that all sinners are pardoned—all are forgiven. “The pardon of the gospel then is in effect a declaration on the part of God to every individual sinner in the whole world that His holy compassion embraces him, and that the blood of Jesus Christ has atoned for his sins.”29

    Lest there be any misunderstanding, Erskine wanted to make it clear that pardon was not to be confused with salvation. Pardon only opens the door to God and invites sinners in. Unless a sinner knows that he or she is forgiven and returns to God and begins walking with Him, God’s love and forgiveness are to them useless. “The love of God abiding in the heart and governing the will of the creature is its salvation—there is no other salvation than this, and therefore while the pardon that is the proclamation of God’s love remains on the outside of the heart, while it does not enter in, it produces no salvation. . .. The pardon remains always the same—the access always remains open. The invitation is always urgent, but those who do not come in are not transformed.”30

    The gospel to Erskine was the good news that all are included in God’s universal love. God’s grace, love, and forgiveness are free to all, and the unconditional freeness of the gospel ought to be preached to every soul under the sun. The truth of the gospel is that God is for us. He has always been for us, and there has never been a time when He was not for us even in our worst state. God does not love us or pardon us on account of anything we have done or believed. “[F]or it was while we were yet enemies and unbelievers that Christ died for us, but the belief of his love and of the gift that his love has bestowed will give a confidence that we are dearly welcome to him—that we are his accepted ones—his adopted children.”31 He says to every individual, “You are my child. I love you, and I don’t want to lose you.”

    As one biographer put it, the message of the gospel according to Erskine was not “if you repent and believe God will love and forgive you”, but precisely “God already loves you and has forgiven you, therefore repent and believe.”32

    Already we have heard Erskine express his views on several of his favorite topics—the universal Fatherhood of God, the universal Atonement of Christ, the freeness of the gospel, and the assurance that no matter who we are, we are loved by God—all views that when he first presented them were vociferously denounced as dangerous, unwarranted, and heretical, and yet these are the same views that Henderson, writing at the turn of the twentieth century, could say had become enlisted among the ruling ideas of the Christian world.

    All these themes are commonplace in Christian thought today. Erskine’s great theme of the Fatherhood of God has become practically the viewpoint of modern theology.33 Yet as Erskine scholar Don Horrocks notes, “Erskine’s pioneering initiative in seeking constructively to redress the theological balance [between God’s sovereignty and God’s Fatherhood] was initially without contemporary precedent in Scotland.”34

    There had already been hints of unrest among the rank and file of the Church of Scotland as underscored by the Marrow controversy of the early 1700s. The “Marrowmen”35 had contended that Christ had died for all and that God, moved by His universal love, had made the gift of Christ the Savior available to all.36 But in 1720, the General Assembly of the Church determined that these ideas were inconsistent with the Confession of Faith and roundly condemned them despite the fact that it could be and was argued that the propositions the Assembly had condemned were both scriptural and plainly taught by many orthodox Scottish divines.37

    A hundred years later brings us to Erskine’s time when once again there was an undercurrent of unrest though of a different sort. Historian R. H. Story described it as having to do with a “deepening spiritual consciousness,” which the religion of the land was unable to satisfy, a spiritual consciousness that “could not accept as a veracious theory of Atonement one which excluded from its scope the vast majority of human beings.” He said that people were looking for a “more direct and personal application of the Gospel than the ordinary preaching commonly offered, and . . . an exposition of the Atonement which should evolve a deeper moral and spiritual meaning than that of the ordinary doctrine.” Story concluded by saying, “The earliest, and in some respects the most deeply spiritual and original representative of this unrest and wider outlook was a layman, Thomas Erskine of Linlathen” who along with his friend and fellow-laborer, John McLeod Campbell, were “the pioneers of the movement, which has ultimately broken the gloomy dominion of the theology that had been so cramped in its growth by the shackles of Westminster that its continued influence would have, sooner or later, extinguished the spiritual and intellectual liberty without which an apostolic ministry becomes impossible.”38

    At this point, I need to stop and explain the connection between Thomas Erskine and John McLeod Campbell. It is nearly impossible to tell either man’s story without mentioning the other. The two will forever be linked in the annals of Scottish church history.

    Campbell was the young pastor of the Parish of Row39. In later years, he would recount how “working apart and without any interchange of thought,” he had arrived at the same conclusions as Thomas Erskine.40 The difference was, unlike Erskine, Campbell was a member of the clergy and answerable to the Church of Scotland for what he believed and taught.

    Campbell’s own thoughts on God’s unconditional, forgiving love for sinners and the assurance of faith had developed out of a pastoral concern for his parishioners. In Row, he found a people who did not doubt Christ’s power and willingness to save, nor did they doubt the freeness of the gospel, yet they lacked the peace and assurance that comes from knowing and believing that they themselves were the object of God’s love.

    This lack of assurance of God’s love for every individual should not have been totally unexpected. The Westminster Confession taught that God’s love and forgiveness were only available to those who already had faith, and the only way of knowing whether one had faith was retrospectively by discovering the “evidences” or “fruits of the spirit” in one’s own life—something that the Confessionsaid could be a long and difficult thing to do.41

    Campbell, as the new pastor of Row, soon saw as his chief task that of helping his parishioners move past this barrier of spiritual introspection that they had erected between themselves and trusting Christ and “to fix their attention on the love of God revealed in Christ, and to get themselves into the mental attitude of looking at God to learn His feelings towards them, not at themselves to consider their feelings towards Him.”42

    It was a great disappointment to Campbell that the gospel message that Christ’s death revealed God’s saving love for all men was not as readily accepted by his flock as he had hoped. Instead of producing a joyful confidence in Christ, many found it difficult to accept the idea that God’s grace and love were free to all and were not conditioned on any goodness on their own part.

    Campbell’s troubles with the Church began in 1827 when some summer visitors to Row returned south to Glasgow and reported what they had heard him preach. As the result of the attention and excitement generated by these reports, a paper was read in support of the traditional doctrine of assurance by “evidences” at Glasgow’s theological society. Campbell was present and was invited to respond, which he did hoping that those hearing him speak would meditate on what he was able to say.43[1]

    What happened next shows that Campbell was still a bit naïve about how difficult it is to change men’s minds, especially in matters of doctrinal belief. Soon after the theological society’s paper was read, Campbell had the occasion to give a public sermon before one of the charitable institutions of Glasgow with most of Glasgow’s ministers in attendance. Campbell took it as an opportunity to explicate the practical importance of the assurance of faith.

    The result was almost predictable. Campbell had hoped that his explanation would remove prejudices and commend men to the truth, but he said that they, on the other hand, “had calculated on my being changed by what had come from them, and in consequence were much offended to hear me so shortly after state so fully what they had condemned.”44

    The growing opposition to Campbell’s teaching on assurance only drove him deeper into the Scriptures. He wrote,

    The controversy in which I was constantly engaged in almost all my intercourse with my brethren urged me to examine narrowly the foundation furnished by the communications made in the Gospel for Assurance of Faith. This led directly to the closer consideration of the extent of the Atonement, and the circumstances in which mankind had been placed by the shedding of the blood of Christ; and it soon appeared to me manifest that unless Christ had died for all and unless the Gospel announced Him as the gift of God to every human being, so that there remained nothing to be done to give the individual a title to rejoice in Christ as his own Saviour, there was no foundation in the record of God for the Assurance which I demanded, and which I saw to be essential to true holiness. The next step therefore was my teaching as the subject matter of the Gospel, Universal Atonement and Pardon through the blood of Christ.45

    In the winter of 1828, Campbell was invited to deliver a sermon in Edinburgh at which time Thomas Erskine was in attendance. After the sermon, Erskine is reported to have said to the person next to him, “I have heard today from that pulpit what I believe to be the true gospel.”46 This fortuitous meeting between the two was to become the start of a life-long friendship, and in retrospect, it may well be seen as God’s encouraging hand on the lives of two men who were about to face together some of the most trying times of their lives and that for what they both firmly believed to be the true gospel.

    In January of 1830, Campbell wrote to his sister in India that the seasonal visitors to Row had gone away “rejoicing in the Lord” and had returned home “spreading the good news” that they had heard him preach. The reaction was by this time something that Campbell had come to expect: the pulpits of Edinburgh and Glasgow were alive with sermons against what was now being called the “Row heresy.”47

    In March, eight parishioners of Row were persuaded to make a formal charge of heresy against their pastor to the Presbytery. This resulted in an official delegation arriving in July to hear Campbell preach. By September, his case had been heard by the Presbytery and the libel (indictment) proven “relevant.”48 At which point, Campbell’s only option apart from immediately leaving the ministry was to appeal his case to the Synod of Glasgow and Ayr.

    On April 13th of 1831, Campbell’s case came before the Synod. The charge against him was that he held and repeatedly promulgated “contrary to the Holy Scriptures and the Confession of Faith approven by the General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland” the “doctrine of universal atonement and pardon through the grace of Christ” and also “the doctrine that assurance is one of the essence of faith and necessary to salvation.” The indictment continued, “[Y]ou have declared that God has forgiven the sins of all mankind whether they believe it or not: That in consequence of the death of Christ, the sins of every individual of the human race are forgiven; That it is sinful and absurd to pray for an interest in Christ, because all mankind have an interest in Christ already: And that no man is a Christian unless he is positively assured of his salvation.”49 For those closely following the proceedings, the similarity between Campbell’s ideas and Erskine’s was unmistakable, so much so, that in the minds of many, Thomas Erskine was the true source of the “Row heresy.” Campbell was the clergyman on trial, but from the pulpit and in the press, through pamphlets, articles, and books, it was Thomas Erskine who was the target of much of the Scottish religious world’s wrath. So, when on Wednesday, the 25th of May 1831, the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland deposed John McLeod Campbell, Minister of the Gospel at Row, it was as much a judgment against Erskine as it was Campbell.

    Both men had been accused of teaching contrary to the Scriptures, but it is worth noting that at his trial, Campbell had requested that he be judged by the light of Scripture and Scripture alone. In response he was told that the “Standards of the Church” meaning the Westminster Confession would be the only basis on which his case would be argued. “Any detailed reference to the Scriptures” was “altogether unnecessary.”50

    Campbell’s carefully worded reaction to this decision is worth repeating:

    If you show me that anything I have taught is inconsistent with the Word of God, I shall give it up, and allow you to regard it as a heresy. . . . If a Confession of Faith were something to stint or stop the Church’s growth in light and knowledge and to say, “Thus far shalt thou go and no further,” then a Confession of Faith would be the greatest curse that ever befell a church. Therefore, I distinctly hold that no minister treats the Confession of Faith right if he does not come with it, as a party, to the Word of God, and to acknowledge no other tribunal in matters of heresy than the Word of God. In matters of doctrine no lower authority can be recognized than that of God.51

    The Church of Scotland could silence its own clergy by depriving them of a license to preach, but Thomas Erskine was not a member of the clergy, and neither was he dependent on any one for his livelihood. He had inherited the family estate of Linlathen in 1816, making him financially independent. So as one writer for the Spectator noted, it “rendered it a matter of no consequence to his outward comfort whether society accepted or condemned his utterances, and so far as the moral courage is concerned of deliberately encountering the prejudices of a whole nation, Erskine showed that he possessed it.”52

    Three more books from Erskine followed The Unconditional Freeness of the Gospel. The Brazen Serpent: Or, Life Coming Through Death was published in 1831, the same year as Campbell’s deposition. It was followed by The Doctrine of Election in 1837.

    Erskine’s last book, The Spiritual Order and Other Papers, was unfinished when he died, but he had left instructions for this contingency. All the papers that he had ready were to be set in order and sent to the publisher as is. This final book was published in 1871.

    Erskine also left specific instructions that an excerpt from The Spiritual Order be published separately as a pamphlet immediately on his death. This was done as he requested, and the pamphlet titled “The Purpose of God in the Creation of Man” was printed and distributed in 1870.

    I believe the significance of this final piece has too often been overlooked. First, as Erskine’s final request, it tells us what he considered to be most important, and secondly, it means that Erskine had come full circle and was ending where his theological journey had begun.

    Erskine was around 17 years old when he read the essays of evangelical Baptist minister, John Foster (1770–1843). It was from Foster that Erskine first heard that God is a loving Father and that the purpose of His love is to educate us as His children—to train us in His own righteous character, and thus to make us sharers in His own blessedness.53 Erskine’s reaction to this new understanding was that if life was given for the education of character, then it was a serious matter indeed. It meant that life was the seed-time for eternity and that the purpose of God towards men is not probation as Erskine once believed, but an educative process which manifests the unchangeable character of God rather than a particular act.54[2] Foster also taught him the need for a deep personal dependence on this loving Father because it was only by continually looking to God for help that we can ever succeed in becoming what He wants us to be.55

    From this beginning with Foster, it is not hard to see how it soon came to Erskine that there are two views of human life—two views that he said are in principle opposed to each other and lead to opposing conceptions of the character of God and of the relation in which we stand to Him.56 The one view supposes that God made men so that He afterwards may judge them. The other holds that He judges them so that He may teach them, and that His judgments are instructions.57

    The first view, Erskine said, holds that we are here in a state of probation—under trial as it were. But that is simply wrong. We are not in a state of trial. We are in a process of education directed by that eternal purpose of love which brought us into being. He went on,

    It is impossible to have a true confidence in God whilst we feel ourselves in a state of trial: we must necessarily regard him not as a Father but as a Judge, and we must be occupied with the thought how we are to pass our trial. We know our own unworthiness, and though we know that we have a Savior, there must still be a degree of alarm in the thought of that judgment seat. But when we have once realized the idea that we are in a process of education, which God will carry on to its fulfilment however long it may take, we feel that the loving purpose of our Father is ever resting on us, and that the events of life are not appointed as testing us whether we will choose God’s will or our own, but real lessons to train us into making the right choice. If probation is our thought, then forgiveness or receiving a favorable sentence is our object; if education is our thought, then progress in holiness is our object. If I believe myself in a state of education, every event, even death itself, becomes a manifestation of God’s eternal purpose. On the probation system, Christ appears as the deliverer from a condemnation; on the education system, He appears as the deliverer from sin itself.”58

    If there was one thing that Thomas Erskine would want to leave with his readers, I believe it would be what you have just read. Life is not a probation but an education. For Erskine, this principle of education is what lies at the very heart of the gospel because it is what expresses God’s loving purpose for creating humanity. As Erskine put it, “I believe that God created man that He might instruct him into a conformity with His own character, and so make him a partner of His own life, the eternal life, which is His will or character.”59


    1. Young, “Thomas Erskine,” lines 107–8. ↩︎
    2. Drummond and Bulloch, The Scottish Church 194, 199; Storr, Development of English Theology 353; Story Apostolic Ministry, 306-8. ↩︎
    3. Franks, History, vol. II, 379. ↩︎
    4. Henderson, Erskine, ix. ↩︎
    5. Henderson, Erskine, 132. ↩︎
    6. Henderson, Erskine, 125-6. ↩︎
    7. Needham, Thomas Erskine, 55. ↩︎
    8. Reid, Influence, 11, 193, 282; Hanna, Letters, 576-77. ↩︎
    9. Winslow, Thomas Erskine, 9. ↩︎
    10. Thomas Chalmers (1780-1847) was a Scottish minister, professor of theology, and a leader of both the Church of Scotland and of the Free Church of Scotland. He has been called “Scotland’s greatest nineteenth-century churchman.” ↩︎
    11. Needham, Thomas Erskine, 195. ↩︎
    12. Andrew Mitchell Thomson (1779–1831) was the pastor of St. George’s Church, Edinburgh, and leader of the evangelical party in the Church of Scotland. ↩︎
    13. Winslow, Thomas Erskine, 18–19. ↩︎
    14. The Westminster Confession, also known as the Confession of Faith, was a document draw up in 1647 and held to be the standard of orthodoxy by almost all Scottish churches in Erskine’s day. ↩︎
    15. Winslow, Thomas Erskine, 46–47. ↩︎
    16. Erskine, Spiritual Order, 243. ↩︎
    17. Winslow, Thomas Erskine, 1–2. ↩︎
    18. Westminster Confession, Ch. 3, para. 5. ↩︎
    19. “Neither are any other redeemed by Christ, effectually called, justified, adopted, sanctified, and saved, but the elect only” (Westminster Confession of Faith, Ch. 3, para. 6). ↩︎
    20. Westminster Confession, Chapter 10, paragraph 1. ↩︎
    21. Needham, Thomas Erskine, 5–6. ↩︎
    22. Isaiah 49:15. ↩︎
    23. Hanna, Letters, 425. ↩︎
    24. Erskine, Unconditional Freeness, (1828 edition), 44. ↩︎
    25. Reid, Influence, 190. ↩︎
    26. Erskine, Doctrine of Election, 569. ↩︎
    27. Letter to Monsieur Gaussen, 7 December 1832, Letters, 191. ↩︎
    28. 1 John 2:2. ↩︎
    29. Erskine, Unconditional Freeness, (1828 text),44. ↩︎
    30. Erskine, Unconditional Freeness,44. ↩︎
    31. Erskine, Unconditional Freeness, 1828 edition, 120. ↩︎
    32. Hart, Teaching Father, 27. ↩︎
    33. Horrocks, Laws of the Sp. Order, 43-44. ↩︎
    34. Horrocks, Laws of the Sp. Order, 27–28. ↩︎
    35. The Marrowmen were Scottish divines [theologians] who had read and agreed with Englishman Edward Fisher’s 1645 book titled The Marrow of Modern Divinity. ↩︎
    36. Needham, Thomas Erskine, 472. ↩︎
    37. See Wikipedia article the “Marrow Controversy.” ↩︎
    38. Story, Apostolic Ministry, 307–8. ↩︎
    39. Row, now spelled Rhu, was a village in the county of Dunbartonshire, Scotland, 24 miles north-west of Glasgow and 62 miles almost due west of Edinburgh. ↩︎
    40. Horrocks, Laws of the Sp. Order, 14. ↩︎
    41. Horrocks, Laws of the Sp. Order, 99–100. ↩︎
    42. Needham, Thomas Erskine, 469. ↩︎
    43. Campbell, Reminiscences, 20. ↩︎
    44. Campbell, Reminiscences, 20–21. ↩︎
    45. Campbell, Reminiscences, 24. ↩︎
    46. Hart, Teaching Father, 29. ↩︎
    47. Campbell, Reminiscences, 31–32. ↩︎
    48. Winslow, Thomas Erskine, 34. ↩︎
    49. Winslow, Thomas Erskine, 34. ↩︎
    50. Hart, Teaching Father, 34. ↩︎
    51. Reardon, Religious Thought, 299–300. ↩︎
    52. Horrocks, Laws of the Sp. Order, 4. ↩︎
    53. Keyser, “A Critical Analysis”, 14. ↩︎
    54. Erskine, Letters, 278–79; Reid, Influence, 245. ↩︎
    55. Keyser, “A Critical Analysis”, 14. ↩︎
    56. Erskine, “Purpose of God”, 6. ↩︎
    57. Erskine, Letters, 393. ↩︎
    58. Erskine, Letters, 128–29. ↩︎
    59. Erskine, Letters, 393. ↩︎